Theory of utilitarianism Essay Example for Free

Theory of utilitarianism EssayThe Philosophy of Utilitarianism may have a positive out cut, but it raft be flawed at times as well. The Utilitarian system states The greatest happiness for the greatest number of people. Some say this approach is flawed due to it lacking reason and consequence, I believe this depends on specific circumstances. Abortion is a big issue now a days and I feel that the utilitarian hypothesis would be a reasonable outlook on this particular moorage.To apply the Utilitarian theory to abortion, first we must relinquish right and wrong and the innate moral philosophy that follow, and focus on whether the end result compliments the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people. An typeface of such would be, Lets say a lady gets dishonour and becomes impregnated by the rapist, first and foremost one would gather that this woman would not want to bare her rapist tike, being that the pregnancy will remind her prevalent of this horrendous eve nt, causing her constant displeasure and despair randyly, physically, and mentally.An opposing party would say that adoption would be an alternative, and yes it would be, but this means that she would have to carry this child to term, go through the pain of childbirth and the legality of the adoption process. Everything stated causes this woman displeasure. If she does go this route there still is an issue, the child itself. Secrets always come out, one day this child will find out his/her father is a rapist and that will have a detrimental negative partake on this child. Also, what if he/she wants to meet the biological mother and she protests, yet again more displeasure.What if he/she is persistant on come across the biological mother and a meeting does take place, the woman is faced with numerous discontentment, she would have to relive and face the events that she tried so hard to bury away in her mind. The utilitarian theory would state that having this child will cause noth ing but pain for everyone in the situation including the unborn fetus. If abortion did take place the outcome would be in favor of the greatest happiness for the greatest number of people.Another example would be a young teenager experimenting in the sexual field, she can have a boyfriend or perhaps she has a one night stand and become pregnant. We will evaluate the situation from an utilitarian superlative of view, she is young, in school, single, lives at home with her parents and does not have an income. Again, adoption is an alternative, but she would still have to tell her parents, and be forced to grow up to untimely and miss out on her youth. Also, the pregnancy will become a burden on the teenagers parents, mentally, emotionally and financially, the outcome is unhappiness for all parties involved.Now what if a young couple gets pregnant, they would both have to drop out of school, the boyfriend who is a teenager has to become a man overnight and find a way to financially s upport the baby, a household and the mother. The couples parents would have to get involved and be burdened as well because of course they will strive to help the young couple. A pregnancy is a blessing but it can also be a burden. An unplanned pregnancy puts stress and burdens on individuals and on couples and it is extremely hard to get through.Yet again adoption is relavant to all of these situations, but it still causes everyone involved displeasure including the baby. In all example the baby would suffer and be deprived in one way or another, whether it is proper schooling, being fed and clothed everyday and on an emotional level as well. The rapists child would one day find out the truth of how he/she was conceived. The single teenager and teenage couple would not be able to properly provide for the child, resulting in needing some sort of government assistance such as medical insurance and welfare where responsible adults stipend their hard earned tax dollars.The overall ou tcome in all situation would not coinside with the utilitarian theory. An unexpected pregnancy is a difficult situation for any woman or couple to be in, regardless of financial stability or age. I am pro choice and believe in women having the right to choose. I also think that a woman in this situation should view it from an utilitarians point of view being that this theory takes the outcome of overall happiness to all people in this situation under strong consideration. If we considered this theory on the topic of abortion. I feel that the philosophy of utilitarianism would be an adequate choice.

Chipotle Mexican Grill Essay Example for Free

Chipotle Mexican Grill EssayChipotle Mexican Grill, Inc. is a chain of restaurants located in the unite States, joined Kingdom, Canada, and France, specializing in burritos and tacos. Its name derives from chipotle, the Mexican Spanish name for a smoked and dried jalapeno chili pepper. The restaurant is known for its large burritos, assembly-line achievement and use of natural ingredients. The comp either has released a mission statement called Food with Integrity, which highlights its efforts in using organic ingredients,3 and serves more naturally raised meat than any other restaurant chain. Chipotle is one of the first chains of prompt casual dining establishments. Founded by Steve Ells in 1993, Chipotle had 16 restaurants (all in Colorado) when McDonalds Corporation became a major investor in 1998. By the time McDonalds fully divested itself from Chipotle in 2006, the chain had grown to over 500 locations. With more than 1400 locations in 43 U. S. states, Washington, D. C . , two Canadian provinces, the United Kingdom, and France, Chipotle had a net income in 2012 of US$278 million and a staff of 37,310 employees.Chipotle Mexican Grill in 2012 2012 has been the year of Chipotle Mexican Grill (CMG -0. 92%). The personal credit line is an absolute superstar, hitting 37 new record highs so far, according to CNBC. -When the company went public in January 2006, the stock doubled on its first sidereal day from $22 per share to close at $44 per share. At late of Febuary 2012, Chipotles stock price had climbed to $380-$385,up more than 80% since january 1,2011 and up 334% since january. Chipotle shares traded at $421. 37 coddle 27, and are up nearly 26% this year. Over the last 12 months, the stock has gained 65%.Chipotles run has obviously been the subject of much chatter among investors. wherefore is this stock so high, and how much further can it go? Many investors think that Chipotles numbers are just headed up, and the stock has room to grow as we ll. Chipotles growth is mentioned with the launch of ShopHouse, the Asian-themed restaurant the company has opened in Washington D. C. ShopHouse has been wildly popular with little to no advertising. The success had opened up the chance that Chipotle could very well strike gold a second time.The company isnt saying much about whether it will expand ShopHouse, but investors are surely pricing the idea into Chipotle shares. Chipotle has no debt and about $400 million in cash, according to Seeking Alpha. And Chipotle is in that best-of-both worlds position because it can compete directly with fast food, but also stand up against more upscale restaurants, such as Panera Bread (PNRA -1. 01%). Finally, Chipotle is gunning for international expansion, recently opening new locations in capital of the United Kingdom and planning one for Paris.

Responses to Genocide: Political and Humanitarian Strategies

Responses to Genocide Political and gayitarian StrategiesPolitical expediency and humane imperatives in reception to racial exterminationThis dissertation examines the humanitarian crisis in the Sudanese region of Darfur during 2003-2004, a moorage that has continued with to 2005. Recent reports from the World Food Programme estimate that the violence carried kayoed by the tacitly giving medication- prevailed militias against the non-Arab noncombatant population in the region has left 3.5 million people hungry, 2.5 million displaced by the violence and 400, 000 dead.The Darfur crisis has been a humanitarian disaster unseen since the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. It has been a situation that ultimately opposed authoritiess and foreign organisations leave been un adequate to(p) to ignore.Chapter ii examines firstly the theoretical questions behind humanitarian interpolation. The realist theory of human being(prenominal) personal businessis at the heart of the debate realis m suggests that grounds should puttheir pay up birth aegis and self interest before any moral obligation to intervene. Set in the context of Darfur, there was nothing within the individual(a) subject interest of some other individual subjects to intervene, yet at just about point in the crisis the common assurance moved towards afeeling that treatment on the basis of humanity was required. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 and the outside(a) rejoinder at the time isused as an example of realism dictating the initial answer of theinternational community, only to be overtaken by a more moral based response one time the sheer scale of the crisis and human rights abuses became app atomic number 18nt.Chapter three looks at events in Darfur in detail, from the beginnings of the crisis to the current situation. Using media sourcesas well as reports from organisation such as the UN and Human Rights Watch, this chapter summarises the main events of the crisis, with examples of th e indiscriminate violence used by the government-backed Janjaweed militias against the civilian population in Darfur. The response of the Sudanese government a coherent with the steps it took to prevent humanitarian intervention are describes, as are the actions, or in many cases, the inaction of sections of the international community. The actions of the Sudanese governing body would appear to be driven by the verbalise centric realism that Webber and Smith term acentral capricious take in for human motivation, namely a quest for military groupChapter Four attempts to analyse events in Darfur against the theoretical frameworks detailed in chapter two. Realist assumptions continue to carry a certain weight in international politics, but there are examples of some more ethical policy making within the international community. The roles of the Sudanese giving medication, the UN, the US and other wattern nations are looked at against theoretical positions.Chapter Five offers som e conclusions on the internationalresponse to Darfur.At the heart of any analysis of the international response to thecrisis in Darfur lies the question why should any ace care about Darfur.Whilst theories supporting just wars and humanitarian intervention fromthe likes of Kaldor and Walzer argue that there is a basic humanmorality that requires severalizes that are able to intervene to stop thesuffering of oppressed people, a realist perspective, one thatre inaugurateed the initial international response to Darfur, is that thekey value of national interest is independence and security. It is aquestion that has been at the crux of international relations force playnturies intervention in the personal matters of another monarch state isan issue that has generated much debate. farming sovereignty has long been a fundamental tugboat of internation toociety and non-intervention has ensured that individual states firemaintain their governmental independence and territorial integri ty.International organisations look at generally supported this principlewith, for example, Resolution 2131 of the UN General Assembly in 1965statingNo state has the right to intervene, straightway or indirectly in the upcountry or external affairs of any other state. Consequently, armedintervention and all other forms of interference or attempted threatsagainst the personality of the State or against its governmental,economic, or cultural elements are condemned. Regional organisations puddle taken a similar locating the Organisation of American Statestotally prohibits direct or indirect intervention in the affairs ofanother state. A wide range of political theory also supports the viewthat sovereignty is all-important and one state should not interfere inthe affairs of another.Nonetheless, international affairs since the establishment of thenation-state have seen intervention by states in the affairs of otherfor a number of reasons. The earliest interventions were for economic and strategic reasons and to secure territorial security nineteenthcentury European interventions in Africa and Asia to establish coloniesserve as an example of this. In the early twentieth century the USbegan to utilise a different type of intervention, intervening in theaffairs of Central American states such as Nicaragua to encouragedomestic political order, reduce economic corruption and reinforce itsown influence in the region. Such action drew the prudence of realistcritics who have influence US foreign policy thinking more recently.Realists have alleged that the adherence to moral principles and thefailure in the past to understand the causality essence of interstaterelations has led to unwise and unsuccessful policies , for example tofailed humanitarian intervention in Somalia. Certainly, the memories ofSomalia will have effected thinking on a political and humanitarianresponse to Darfur.The ratty War motto intervention across the globe by the two superpowerseither to e nhance their own strategic security or to advanceideological goals, for example the USSR piteous to strengthen communismin Czechoslovakia in 1968 or the US challenging anti-democratic forcesin Grenada in 1983.It is however, humanitarian intervention that is nearly relevant to thesituation in Darfur, an type of intervention that according to JackDonnelly is foreign intervention that seeks to remedy mass andflagrant violations of the basic rights of foreign nationals by theirgovernment The failure of states and subsequent abuses of humanrights in the latter stages of the twentieth century have presentedother governments with numerous scenarios where they have to makedecisions as to whether military intervention for humanitarian reasonsis justified. It is a complex issue that poses a number of legal andmoral issues.Amstutz argues that humanitarian intervention presents a legalchallenge to the real systems of state sovereignty along with amoral challenge to the right of self-rule. Wh ilst the demandfor order, justice, stability and human rights may override theseconcerns, politicians are also faced with the decision as to whether,how and when their country should fire up humanitarian intervention.Such interventions can generally be justified if two criteria are metfirstly that humanitarian intervention be in the interests of theintervening state, i.e. that it perceives the human rights abuses inthe foreign state as a general threat to the order, legitimacy andmorality of global society, or as a particular threat to its owneconomic prosperity secondly that the intervention requirement be in theinterests of the civilian population of the intervened state and thatthe legal and moral issues around military intervention can bejustified by the overall good that is accomplished. NATO interventionin Bosnia can be seen as an example of a situation that met the formercriteria, the situationsin both Rwanda and Darfur would appear to meetthe latter.Michael Walzer who has written extensively on just war theory andintervention argues that humanitarian intervention should be seen asdifferent from instigating a military conflict. As well as the legalistargument against intervention in the affairs of another state, there isalso the difficulty of intervention in a country that has not committedaggression against another state there is a danger that interveningstates can be seen as portraying the message treat your people the waywe mean you should or be subject to the threat of armed punishment.Walzer nonetheless believes that even if intervention threatens theterritory and political independence of another state, there are timeswhen it can be justified. The onus of proof of justification howeverlies with the leader of the state that intervenes and this can be aheavy burden, not only be cook of the coercions and ravages thatmilitary intervention brings, but also because it is thought that thecitizens of a sovereign state have a right, insofar as they ar e to becoerced and ravaged at all, to suffer only at one anothers turn over.Arguments that states should, regardless of how they are governed,should be left to deal with own affairs and influenced by the thoughtsof John Stuart Mill who argued from a utilitarian viewpoint stronglyfor the right of a single political community to determine its ownaffairs whether or not its political arrangements are free is not anissue for other states members of any political society mustcultivate their own freedom in the way that individuals must cultivatetheir own virtue, self-help rather than intervention from an externalforce must be the way towards a just society. Such arguments do notstand up when applied to some of the systematic and well-documentedhuman rights abuses of the twentieth century foreign governments makedecisions based on a realist perspective not to intervene, butnon-intervention based on the idea of self-determination is to avoidthe issue and hide behind outdated ideas. on t hat point is a point at whichrealism has to be put aside and some form of moral stance must betaken. For Walzer, there are three situations in which theinternational resistance to boundary crossings can be ignored1.when a particular set of boundaries clearly contains two or morepolitical communities, one of which is already engaged in a large-scalemilitary struggle for independence that is, when what is at issue issecession or national liberation2.when the boundaries have already been crossed by the armies of aforeign power, even if the crossing has been called for by one of theparties in a civil war, that is, when what is at issue iscounter-intervention and3.when the violation of human rights within a set of boundaries is soterrible that it makes talk of community or self-determination orarduous struggle seem cynical or irrelevant, that is, in cases onenslavement or massacreHis criteria present a realistic scope for intervention. For all theideas of ethical foreign policies there h as to be some realism ininternational relations in that states cannot exclusively intervene in everydispute between neighbours or outbreaks of political unrest in otherstates. Walzers criteria, particular his third, limit interventionwhen serious abuses of human rights appear to be victorious place. At thispoint, political expediency and national self-interest should be putaside.Ultimately, Walzers thinking lead him towards an ethical theory ofpeace on the basis of sovereignty and other widely accepted statesrights. His values form the basis of a legalist paradigm, which providethe moral and legal structure for maintaining international peace. Hislegal paradigm also outlines the criteria for use of force tointervene. Its six key principles are1.An international society of independent states exists 2.The states comprising the international society have rights,including the rights of territorial integrity and political sovereignty 3.The use of force or threat of force by one state a gainst another constitutes aggression and is a criminal act 4.Aggression justifies two types of action a war of self-defence bythe victim and a war of law enforcement by the victim and any othermembers of the international society 5.Nothing but aggression justifies war 6.After the aggressor state has been militarily repulsed, it can be punished. Ir noticeive of the situation in a particular state and the legal ormoral issues around any form of intervention, the realist view ofinternational affairs can lead statesmen to decide againstintervention. Realists from Thucydides, Hobbes and Machiavelli throughto the likes of Kissinger and Waltz remain strictly sceptical aboutmoral concepts within international relations and assume that statesgoing to war or engaging in any form of intervention are more motivatedby power and their own national security than any moral issues. Thephrase alls fair in love and war is often applied to the realistperspective with Walzer writing referring specific ally to war,realists believe that it is an intractable part of an anarchical creationsystem, that it ought to be resorted to only if it makes sense in termsof national self-interest in effect there are no moralconsideration in regard to military intervention, the human rightsabuses occurring in another state are of unforesightful importance to realists,intervention will only be considered if it is considered to beeconomically or strategically of value to the intervening state or itsleaders. This value can be political on occasions. at that place is littledoubt of the power of modern media to put pressure on politicians. TheUS intervention in Somalia and NATO action in Bosnia were to someextent related to public pressure on politicians to do something aboutscenes being broadcast into the homes of the electorate.Thinking on humanitarian intervention has had to adapt more recently tothe new type of wars that have proliferated across the globe since theend of the Cold War, for examp le the conflicts in the former Yugoslaviadriven by ancient ethnic hatreds. Certainly with the demise of thestand off between two military superpowers there has been greater scopefor the UN and individual states to become involved in conflictresolution and throughout the 1990s the UN has found itself constantlyinvolved in providing humanitarian attend to, establishing safe havens,disarmament and demobilisation operations, monitoring and maintainingceasefires.New wars have involved a blurring of the distinction between war(usually de first-rated as violence between states or organised politicalgroups), organised crime (violence undertaken by privately organisedgroups for private purposes, usually financial gain) and large-scaleviolations of human rights (violence undertaken by states orpolitically organised groups against individual). Some of the ethnichatred that has fuelled new wars has in particular led to terriblehuman rights abuses events that put moral pressure on others state s toconsider intervention. Mary Kaldor suggests that there are two types ofresponse to new wars one is to draw on the old war idea of the nationstate and look for solutions along the lines of intervention and peacekeeping whilst the other response is a more negative and fatalisticoutlook because the wars cannot be understood in traditional terms,they are thought to represent a reversion to primitivism or anarchy andthe most that can be done therefore is to ameliorate the symptoms. Inother words, wars are treated as natural disasters.Kaldors view rightly challenge the realist assumption that statesshould not involve themselves in humanitarian intervention unless thereis some advantage to be gained in a self-interested pursuit of power.What is required is a more political response to new wars and theattacks on human rights that accompany them. The internationalcommunity should be looking towards politics of inclusion that capturethe hearts and minds of protagonists and any such polit icalmobilisation should override traditional geopolitics or myopic termdomestic concerns. This type of thinking moves closer to a type ofneo-realism which places more of an emphasis on the structural featuresof the international system and avoids the stress on the often anarchicstriving for power that reflects traditional realism. The drawback tothe neo realist approach is that its reliance on the determining impactof the structure of the international system allow policy makersrelatively little discretion. This can be seen to some extent in Darfuras representative from various states struggled to find a solution tothe crisis that met with consensus.There have of course been embarrassments for individual states andinternational organisations with attempts at humanitarian interventionin the 1990s, setbacks that will give weight to realist theory thatsovereign states should on the whole be left well alone. Kaldorconcludes that humanitarian intervention has had mixed successat best, p eople have been cater and fragile ceasefires have beenagreed.at worst the UN has been shamed and humiliated, as, forexample, when it failed to prevent genocide in Rwanda, when theso-called safe haven of Srebrenica was overrun by Bosnian Serbs, orwhen the hunt for the Somali warlord Aideed stop in a mixture of farceand tragedy.Nonetheless, the arguments for humanitarian intervention remain strong.Darfur is as good an example as any for this. As Orend writes whyshould foreign states, which themselves respect human rights, be barredin principle from intervening in such illegitimate regimes?Rwanda in particular serves as an example of both foreign states andinternational organisations initially taking a realist stance only toeventually to be spurred into action by the sheer scale of the genocidetaking place. In Frances case, the links between the powerful elitesin the two countries had long been established not only had Francelong supported the Hutu regime but Francois Mitterand and RwandanPresident Habyarimana were personal friends, whilst their sons, JeanChristopher and Jean-Pierre were also friends and business associates.The two countries had mutual economic interests and there is evidencethat Jean Christopher was one of Frances biggest arms dealers to Rwanda.The French response to the developing crisis, when it came, was farfrom glorious. Rather than intervene to provide further killings itdecided to pull out its troops. In the previous week, the first of thegenocide they had evacuated as many as 1361 people including 450 Frenchnationals and 178 Rwandan officials and their families. No otherRwandan nationals were evacuated, not even Tutsi personnel from theFrench embassy or well-known opponents of the regime who had alreadybeen targeted by the militia.The role of the unite Nations mission (UNAMIR) has receivedconsiderable review article in analyses of the genocide. The UN had its owninternal politics to contend with and its policies on Rwanda were inturn determined to some extent by realist self-interest. As anorganisation it was by and large reliant on the support of its most powerfulmembers on the Security Council. These nations, mindful of thedisastrous US intervention in Somalia were wary of investing troops andfinances into another African conflict. Realism came to the forefrontof the early decision making process. Human Rights Watch, in additionto criticism of the UN for not taking heed of Dallaires warnings, isalso critical of the scale of the mandate itself. It describes thedetails of the mandate as followsNot only was the UN slow, it was also stingy. The United States, whichwas assessed 31 per cent of UN peacekeeping costs, had suffered fromthe enormous 370 per cent increase in peacekeeping expenses from 1992to 1993 and was in the process of reviewing its policy on such operations.Quite simply the UN was not equipped to keep the peace in Rwanda.Members on its influential Security Council did not have the politicalwill to g et involved, nor were they willing to take on the financialburden. The US and the UK, although less involved in Rwanda thanFrance, were similarly guilty of happily ignoring warnings of possiblegenocide and working towards the maintenance of the status quo. Bothhad sold arms to the Hutu regime and had trading links with Rwanda.Both also had little desire to see their own troops caught up as partof an UN force in Rwanda. The theory of non-intervention, as opposed torealism is another view that opposes humanitarian intervention. The keyassumptions and values for this concept are the existing anarchic international system is morally legitimate peoples have a right to political self-determination states have a juridical right to sovereignty and territorial integrity states have an obligation to resolve conflicts peacefully force is a illegitimate instrument for fastener the existing territorial boundariesNon intervention theory argues in favour of an internationallegitimacy of states in which existing states are entitled to autonomyand domestic legitimacy which assumes that states are entitled torespect and support when they fulfil their core obligations as states.In terms of domestic legitimacy, in the light of the fact that thereare wide disparities in conceptions of human rights, this canessentially be interpreted that whether a state is entitled tonon-intervention depends largely on its subjects approval of theregime itself.The counter-arguments of realism and moral intervention continue toplay a major role in international politics and are likely to continueto do so. It is a sad fact that the list of oppressive governments andmassacred populations is lengthy. Walzer points out that for every Naziholocaust or Rwanda there will be a number of smaller examples ofinjustice and abuse so many that the international community cannothope to deal with. On a small scale at least, Walzers suggestion thatstates dont send their soldiers into other states, it seems, only tosave lives. The lives of foreigners dont weigh that heavily in thescales of domestic decision-making rings true humanitarianintervention in smaller-scale situations is simply not realistic. Agreater test for the moral resolve of NGOs and wealthier nations istheir response in the face of large-scale humanitarian disasters andhuman rights abuses, again utilise Walzers words, when dealing with actsthat grogginess the moral conscience of mankind.Ethical questions around the issues of international moral obligationstowards nations suffering from oppressive regimes and human rightsabuses are not easily resolved. Whilst humanitarian aid or interventionis generally seen as a morally correct route of action, politicalexpediency quite often takes precedence. Whilst it is generallyaccepted that, as Grotius believed, war ought not to be undertakenexcept for the enforcement of right and when once undertaken it shouldbe carried on within the bounds of law and good faith, national selfinteres t does not always allow for a strategy led by such moralincentives. In Darfur, the action of the Khartoum Government couldcertainly not be described as driven by moral incentives whilstelsewhere early responses to the crisis were driven by politicalexpediency Major states have to ask themselves which moral valuesshould influence their foreign policies and which international valueis more important sovereignty or human rights? The answer should behuman rights, yet there is a fine line between using these values froma moral perspective or manipulating them into a realist opportunity toindulge the national interest with intervention elsewhere. There areother difficult questions do human rights violations justify foreignintervention and at what scale? Does international political moralityrequire the removal of illegal military regimes and the restoration ofdemocracy? There are countless regimes around the world to which theworld might turn its attention and ask itself these questions. For themost part, small conflicts and small-scale abuse of human rights are,rightly or wrongly, ignored. The situation in Darfur from 2003 onwardshowever gave the international community a scenario that it could notignore. The world had to make decisions upon hundreds of thousands oflives would rest. Chapter Three The crisis in DarfurThe current situation in Darfur can be traced back to February 2003when fighters from the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM) and theJustice and Equality Movement (JEM) launched joints attacks againstgovernment garrisons in protest at what they saw as decades ofpolitical oppression and economic neglect by the Sudanese government.The attacks came at the same time that there had been high hopes of apeace result to the war in southern Sudan that had been ongoingbetween the government and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army(SPLM/A) since independence in 1965.The governments response was unequivocal. Citing the rebels as anaggressive force against the state it set out to crush the rebellion byforce and utilised the powerful force of Arab Janjaweed militias toattack not particularly rebel soldiers but the civilian populationsfrom where the rebels would have originated. The government expectedto crush the revolt, partly as it had done so in 1991 when a SPLA unitinfiltrated Darfur, and partly as it expected a lack on internationalinterest as Darfur was an internal Northern Sudanese issue with noChristian population and no oil interests involved. Khartoum ledmilitary activity in late 2003 to early 2004 was brutal (acounter-insurgency of extraordinary ferocity) and carried out whilstthe government prevented any humanitarian aid reaching the civilianpopulation. It was an action led by political expediency withabsolutely no regard for the human rights of an innocent civilianpopulation. Hugo boil down describes the military action as completelydisproportionate to the targeted guerrilla warfare of the two Darfurinsurgent groups and s tates that systematic and widespread governmentand Janjaweed assaults on civilians, their villages, theirinfrastructure and their livelihoods along with forced displacement andland-grabbing, intended to make it impracticable for the terrorised andevicted populations to return. As this went on, the Government alsoenforced what was almost a complete ban on humanitarian aid accessingthe country between October 2003 and February 2004.Early talks on the crisis saw the Khartoum Government deliberatelystonewall on major issues. It objected to upgrading the small AUobserver force from 300 to 3500,with an increase in its mandate toinclude protecting civilians, and was then forced to accept thismeasure by the UN Security Council. It was a realist approach lookingsolely after its own interests and using delay in an internationalresponse to move along with its aim to displace the population ofDrafur.Government and Janjaweed CooperationThere is little realdoubt that the government has worked c losely with the Janjaweedmilitias. Human Rights Watch (HRW) investigations concluded thatgovernment forces and militia troops have taken part in massacres andsummary executions of civilians, burnings of towns and villages andforcible depopulation of areas across Darfur. We are the governmenthas been a common response of Janjaweed at checkpoints and whenentering villages and HRW reports that the government and itsJanjaweed allies have killed thousands of Fur, Masalit and Zaghawa often in cold blood, raped women and destroyed villages, food stocksand other supplies essential to the civilian population..In the early stages of the conflict, the Sudanese government barelyattempted to conceal its close working with the Janjaweed. Mans writesthat the Janjaweed militias are said to be of largely Chadian originand finance themselves through plunder and pillage, reportedly enjoyingimplicit support from the Government in Khartoum. But this isunderstating the relationship between the two. In Ap ril 2004, theSudanese Foreign Minister, Mustafa Osman Ismail, admitted a commoncause with the Janjaweed stating the government may have morose ablind eye to the militiasThis is true. Because these militia aretargeting the rebellion. President Bashir also had spoken on 31December 2003 of the governments determination to defeat the SLArebellions and warned darkly that the horsemen would be one of theweapons it would use.There is other clear evidence of well established links between thegovernment and Janjaweed leaders. Many of the militia leaders areestablished emirs or omdas from Arab tribes who have previously workedin government. For example, Abdullah abu Shineibat, an emir of the BeniHalba tribe is a Janjaweed leader in the Habila-Murnei area, whilstOmar Saef, an omda of the Awlad Zeid tribe is leader of the Janjaweedfrom Geineina to Misterei. Other evidence pointed to a similarconclusion of complicity between government and militia Janjaweedbrigades were organised along army lin es with forces wearing similaruniforms and officers using the same stripes militia forces used thesame land cruisers and satellite phones as army personnel and there isevidence that Janjaweed members were given assurances that they wouldnot face local prosecution for crimes, with police force forces beinginstructed to leave them alone. Again, the prevailing issue here ispolitical expediency overcoming any possible humanitarian response.Both the Government and Janjaweed had interests in devastating Darfur there was political gain for the Government and financial gain for theJanjaweed. Both took the realist option of looking after themselves.Government and Militia forces attack civiliansOne of the mostnotable traits of the crisis in Darfur has been the fact that bothgovernment and militia forces have largely ignored rebel forces,preferring to use their weapons against the civilian population inareas that rebels may have originated from. HRW investigationsuncovered 14 incidents in Dar Masalit alone between September 2003 andFebruary 2004 in which 770 civilians were killed. It also gatheredwitness evidence to mass executions in the Fur areas of Wadi Salihprovince over the same period.Aerial bombardment of civilians has also been commonplace. The SudaneseGovernment has made extensive use of attack aircraft, dropping bombsloaded with metal shards to cause maximum injury and also utilisinghelicopter gun ships and MiG jet fighters. Bombing has also beendeliberately targeted at villages and towns where displaced citizenshave gathered for example on August 27 2003, aircraft carried out anattack on the town of Habila which was packed with displaced civiliansfrom surrounding areas. 24 were killed.Government and Janjaweed forces have also systematically attacked anddestroyed villages, food stocks, water sources and other essentialitems essential for the survival of villages in West Darfur. Refugeesin Chad have confirmed a sweep south east of Geneeina in February 2004saw the destruction of a number of villages including Nouri, Chakoke,Urbe, Jabun and Jedida.The International ResponseThe international response to the situation in Darfur has been mixed,characterised by a willingness to condemn the Sudanese Governmentalongside a dragging of heels in actually intervening to stop what theUS Government has labelled genocide. Alex De Waal suggests thatpolitical repercussions for the Sudanese Government were gravewriting International attention and condemnation exceeded allexpectations, culminating in Darfur being brought before the UnitedNations Security Council in July 2004 This analysis however fails tomention the scale of the crisis in the preceding months and suggests amore positive and effective response by the international communitythan was actually the case.. The international community may eventuallyhave come around to taking Darfur seriously but much later than wasrequired. As Hugo Slim concludes the international community has notdenied, but it has delayed and dithered. Once engaged it fumbled andtook far too long to achieve a united and sufficiently assertiveresponse.There was a notable reluctance from the UN in particular to use theword genocide in relation to Darfur, a similar pattern to that had beenfollowed in Rwanda a decade earlier. It was in fact US Secretary ofState Powell that announced on September 9th 2004 that the USgo

Smoking Cessation Interventions In England Health And Social Care Essay

green goddess Cessation Interventions In England Health And brotherly C ar Essay roll of tobacco causes a meander of health issues and diseases in mickle particularly Cardiovascular diseases, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), lung cancer and a range of other cancers, peptic ulcer and various other medical exam conditions. (National Health Service, 2010)The survival rank are low even after the person infragoes surgery. Post operative Complications may also develop which causes delays in convalescence and often people experience respiratory issues due to this. (National Institute of Clinical Excellence, 2010).Further, it can cause complications in pregnancy and labour among women who smoke during their pregnancy period, including ectopic pregnancy, bleeding, premature detachment of placenta and premature rapture of membranes. These women also suffer from a high risk of miscarriages in comparison to those who do not smoke. Also, the babies born to much(prenominal) mothers carry a lighter weight (average 200-250 gm) than women who do not smoke. (NICE, 2010). This can reduce the immunity system of children and place them at risk of developing diseases in childhood or death. It has been found that fastball in pregnancy increases infant mortality by about 40 percent. (NICE, 2010).The number of deaths attributed to smoke were estimated to be 83,900 in adults aged 35 and above in 2008. Among these deaths, 23,200 resulted from respiratory diseases (mainly obstructive lung disease) and 37,000 accounted for cancer conditions (lung cancer, Cancer of the Oesophagus). (HSCIC, 2009) Given the varied benefits of stopping grass and adopt healthy lifestyle, many smokers are w disappointmenting to pull up stakes smoking and 70 percent of them hand efforts to quit at least once in their lifetime. At present, the self-importance inform counts of smoking in England is 21 percent among adults aged 16 and above. Despite the trends of reduction in smoking p revalence, it is st tubercular considered as a unspoiled public health concern in England (Allender et al, 2008).NHS Stop smoking servicesIt is reported that over two third (67%) of the smokers in the English commonwealth examine to quit every year (ONS, 2009). However, smokers are often require to put in repeated efforts and attempts towards quitting smoking before succeeding (NHS, 2010). To support smokers who want to quit smoking and dish them succeed in their quit efforts, National Health Service (NHS) founded a unique initiative program c eithered as NHS Stop Smoking Services (NHSsss) in 1999. This national programme came into being following the White paper on Smoking kills published by Government in 1998.This insurance guidance expressed strong commitment to address the serious health consequences of smoking and tackle the growing concern of rising prevalence rate of smoking in the population. It laid down plans for the development of a special national unit, Smoking Ces sation Services) a considerable with other initiatives (implementation of advertisement ban, ban of smoking at work and public places). NHSSS forms the part of the wider Tobacco Control program run by Government to reduce the prevalence of smoking among the local population. Their primary economic consumption is to provide and deliver a high- quality clinical smoking cessation services to smokers who are motivated to quit smoking.Since its establishment, NHS Stop smoking services (SSS) gravel supported over two million people to quit smoking in the short run and 500,000 people to quit smoking in the long run without relapse. In total it has saved 70,000 lives uptill now. Even though smoking rates take dropped down since 1990s the progress has been slower in the go bad decade among the Routine and Manual workers population. It has been estimated that the dropping rate of smoking is 0.4 percent a year. (NICE, 2010). This suggests that health inequalities exist between different so cio- economic groups. There have been expectations that SSS pull up stakes make significant contributions in reducing the gap of smoking prevalence between these groups. This issue was taken up as genius of the main priority in NHS Operating Framework and treatments and support were offered by Primary Care Trusts (PCTs) to people who were willing to stop smoking in divest localities of England. (Low et al, 2007). However, quit rates among socially disadvantaged groups remain low. Currently, out of the total smoking population, smoking rates among Routine and Manual workers are 26 percent. Also, the smoking rate is high among people who belong to ethnic minority groups in the UK population. Studies conducted in various ethnic minority communities have reported that people from these populations do not access the services offered by NHS SSS due to limited information about the accessibility and effectiveness of smoking cessation interventions.Thus, to maximise the capability of NH S Stop Smoking Services, a high and effective level of intervention is essential to target this public health concern and reach people from all socio economic and ethnic minority groups who are willing to stop smoking and benefit from it.NHS Stop Smoking Cessation Services- Delivering of interventionsNHS Stop smoking support are offered and delivered in range of ways. The treatments are provided to people in a separately or a concurd manner. Recommended treatments that have shown evidence to be effective over the years comprise (NICE, 2010)Brief interventions precondition by GP, nurses or other health practitioners practicing in the local community in the form of advice, self help materials or referrals for further clinical treatment.Individual Behaviour counselling in a one to one sessionsGroup Behaviour therapy ( Also known as Closed Groups)Pharmacotherapies ( providing alternate medications like Nicotine Replacement therapy, Buropion or Vareniclin)Self help materials (leaflets, quick kits)Telephone counselling and quitlinesMedia campaigns to spread awareness of smoking associate ill health and interventions available to stop smoking. The sources of mass media campaigns include a combination of television, radio, newspaper advertising.Smokers who are willing to discontinue smoking are offered the above range of treatments options so that they can chose the one which suits them the well-nigh. The health professionals may provide, as appropriate, a combination of interventions that are sensitive to the needs, preferences and ethnic diversity of their local smoking population and at the same time being mindful of bridging the gap between health inequalities. These interventions are considered to be cost effective way of reducing ill health and prolonging life. So every smoker should be advised to stop smoking and offered help if they feel like wise in doing so. (NHS, 2010)All the interventions provided chthonic Stop Smoking Services Clinics share some comm on properties. Such as Behavioural support offered in both individual and group therapies by health professionals and they normally advise the usage of Nicotine and Nicotine- based therapies along with it. (NHS, 2010). This clinical service is provided over multiple sessions to the smoker and a quit target get out is set at a follow up of 4 weeks.Success ranges of quit rates by smokers depends upon the type of intervention received by them. Interventions that combine group support with Nicotine reduction therapy are more effective in achieving 4 weeks quit rates (71 percent) in comparison to individual support given in clinical settings. (Bauld et al, 2009). Though both types of intervention implement complimentary modes of action, the quit rates maintained over long term differ considerably. opposite interventions like counselling support and information provided over quit lines, internet and mobile phones may be easily accessible by wide smoking population but may be less intens ive and effective in comparison to the support given in clinical settings (NHS, 2010).Aims of this ResearchThis look for is designed to meet the following aimsTo assess the effect of the different interventions and support offered by Smoking cessation services to help achieve success rates of smoking abstinence over long period of time.To make a comparison between the studies that have evaluated the effectiveness of interventions undertaken by the smoker with the assistance of self help interventions in comparison to the clinical treatments provided under NHS stop smoking cessation services over the last decade. The comparative assessment will be done between the followingSelf help materials (leaflets, information kits) Mobile phone and Web based support, Smoking QuitlinesVsBrief advice offered by GPs and other health professionalsBrief GP advice + Nicotine reduction therapy, Bupropian and VernacilineAttending a smoking clinic and receiving Behavioural support +NRT, Bupropian and V ernacilineHighlight those interventions among the clinical and less clinical interventions which are more potential to produce successful quit rates at 4 weeks follow up.Rationale for conducting this Literature review ResearchDisease Burden from smoking Smoking imposes a huge burden on the countrys economy. It imposes direct costs on National Health Service for health care and indirect costs on loss of productivity (ASH, 2010). It has been estimated that National Health Service spends approximately 2.7 billion on treatments and control this public health issue. In addition, it puts the smoker and their families and others through discomfort, perturb and suffering. Among them, the cost of bereavement and consequent emotional and social distress, the payment of social security and benefits is given to the dependants of those who die as a result of smoking related disease. Also, it has been suggested that total number of deaths associated with smoking has not changed much in the last 10 years (Allender et al, 2008)Thus, given the expenditure spent by NHS in providing interventions under its National Program, it becomes highly important to deliver treatments that are evidenced based and help in maintaining consistent quit rates of between 35% and 70% in the population and meet the PSA target of reducing smoking prevalence rate by 21% or less by 2010 (NHS, 2010). This explore will make a comparative assessment and provide information and insight of the effectiveness of the both highly clinical and less clinical interventions which will help in the meeting the current NHS targets for 2010.Knowledge transfer For the purpose of achieving the third aim, the source has a personal interest in highlighting it. The motive here wishes to gain wider information about the most effective smoking cessation intervention with the objective of transfer knowledge. The author of this dissertation belongs to India and she wanted to make an international comparative assessment of the effectiveness of national smoking cessation interventions between England and India. However, due to the limited published documents of current trends and related literature, it has not been possible to examine and make comparisons with India on this topic.But the author found some useful information from a national report produced under Ministry of Health and Social Welfare (MOHSW, 2004) raised awareness about the widespread production, consumption and resulting impact of ill health impinging on Indian population and its economy. So the author would like to transfer knowledge by sharing the results and outcomes of this research with the health professionals with the main purpose of sensitising Indian health care system and promoting most effective tobacco cessation interventions based on the examples of English Stop Smoking Cessation services and minimize the economic burden on Indian government. (MOHSW, 2004)Thus, Tobacco Control programmes worldwide are designed with the aim of reducing the burden of disease, disability and death related to the consumption of tobacco. In order to regularise the effectiveness of such programmes in England, it is essential to describe the smoking cessation interventions document implementation and show results and outcomes to guage their contribution towards bringing down the smoking rate in the population.Hence, The next section, Preliminary Literature review will discuss in detail the workings of NHS Stop smoking services different Smoking Cessation treatments, and manner of implementation with statistical facts to support their contribution in bringing down the smoking rate in English population.

Analysis of Juliana Barrs Theory on Indian Communities

Analysis of Juliana Barrs Theory on Indian CommunitiesJuliana Barr. Peace Came in the Form of a Woman Indians and Spaniards in the Texas Borderlands. (Chapel Hill University of North Carolina Press). 2007. ix + 397 pp. $24.00 paperback.Juliana Barr focuses on the Texas borderlands and the Caddos, Apaches, Payayas, Karankawas, Wichitas, and Comanches. Her research demonstrates how these bands retained control over their homelands and how they left the French and Spaniards no choice unless to culturally adapt to indigenous practices. Barr argues that these encounters were molded by the kin-based systems of the Indian communities, their traditional diplomatic practices and rituals, and the social structures that deferred to matrilineal households. She contends that the Texas borderland experience was vastly different than Indian-European interactions in New Mexico and Arizona, where the Spaniards were able to subordinate and control the immanent peoples, often forcing them into labor and converting them to Catholicism. In Texas, the indigenous peoples did not allow themselves to become victims of the Spaniards. The tables were turned and the Texas Indians controlled the interactions. Unlike Richard Whites Indians of the Great Lakes region, there was no middle ground. Europeans had to abide by to the immanent practices of diplomacy. She describes a world in which Indians dictated the terms of conduct, diplomacy, alliance, and enmity in their interactions with the Spaniards. (7-8)When Europeans first encountered the Caddos in 1686, they were impressed by the homegrown vill come ons. Their cabins were forty to litre feet high and one Spaniard remarked, that the Caddo villages had nothing barbarous but the name. (21) The Caddos were receptive to the Europeans because they decided they could be valuable allies because of the guns and horses the Europeans came to trade. Alliances between the indigenous people and the Europeans was constantly influenced the Indians traditions.They create elaborate public welcoming rituals conducted by the male hierarchy. The Caddos used the same methods of diplomacy as they did when they did business with other bands. The French culture was similar to that of the Caddos, and they dual-lane Caddo values withtaboo expecting the Caddos to adopt French doctrine. The French allowed them to continue their sovereignty and recognized the elevated status of women in Caddo culture. The French were open to become integrated into the Caddo matrilineal system in order to trade their goods with the Indians. The same cannot be said of the Spaniards. They did not experience native culture and traditions centered on matrilineal chemical attraction and immediately tried to change it. Spanish soldiers and missionaries tried to force their dogma on the Texas Indians.The situation was further complicated by the lack of Spanish women. The Indians position much value on women and considered them to be vital to survival of their culture. The presence of women was considered to be a abbreviate of peaceful intentions and a commitment by the Spanish to peace and stable relationships. Because the Spanish had no women and children with them, the natives considered this to be an indication that the Spaniards were in Texas as aggressors. At first, the Caddos believed the Spaniards images of the Virgin Mary was meant as a signal of their reach of the value of females, but they were soon disillusioned. Spaniards did not understand that in these native cultures, grammatical gender structured social and semipolitical relationships. Women played important central roles in hospitality rituals, and fictive kin relationships were vital to creating truces.The Spanish soldiers frequently abused and mistreated women. Their missionaries attempted to convert Indian women and mistook their openness to be a sign of promiscuity that needed to be rectified. The Indian communities came under pressure from the Spanish missionari es to abandon their deviant ideas about gender and alter basic fundamentals of their societies. In response to this pressure and the mistreatment of native women by the Spaniards which violated cultural and political protocols, in 1693 the Caddos drove the Spaniards out of their territory and into central Texas.Apache women played a world-shattering diplomatic role because they were associated with peace and were allowed to move freely through with(predicate)out the territory and across social and political boundaries as mediators and emissaries. (13) Barr demonstrates how the diplomatic overtures begun by Apache women ended with the skirmish of Spanish and Apache women to hammer out a truce. (174) Political use of female captives were often brokers of peace. In response to Apache horse raids, the Spaniards began taking Apache women and children as prisoners of war or as slaves and refused to return them to their families. These captives were then used them as bartering tools. Th is created increased tensions with the kin-based native peoples. In addition to their role in diplomatic relations, women were alike vital to modify alliances between the Indian groups and the Europeans. In the early years, Apache women were captured by Caddo men and purchased by the French.Eventually, the Apaches and Spaniards reached a military alliance in mutual defense against attacks by Comanches, Wichitas, and Caddos, but only after the Spaniards recognized the value of women in regards to diplomacy. As a show of their peaceful intentions, the Spaniards freed their Apache female slaves. In good faith, the Apache sent women to Spanish presidios to cause their reciprocity towards peace. The Apache women and children who were prisoners of the Spaniards learned Spanish and served as negotiators and translators. Women and children were traded back and forth between the Indians and Europeans. They also served as symbols of peace. According to Barr, Native American constructions o f social order and of political and economic relationships-defined by general terms of kinship-were at the crux of Spanish-Indian politics. (2)According to Barr, these raids placed women at the very center of violence and diplomacy. (164) As the Spaniards finally came to understand the importance of women in the Indian communities, they were allowed to mingle and intermarry with the Indians. As a result, Spaniards were able to achieve some political power and the natives attained economic gain. Barr points out that native women not only served as negotiators in diplomacy, but they also were full contributors to Texas history. Although men of the different warring groups established truces, but customary practices involving women prove crucial to maintaining the peace agreements that followed. (246)Barrs research is important to Plains Indian and Texas historiography because she demonstrates how the Texas Indians controlled the rules of engagement between the indigenous peoples and the Europeans. The author distinguishes three phases of Spanish-native interactions which fall under the categories of trade, mission, and settlement. She contends that the natives were demographically superior to the Europeans. The author also postulates that gender was the foundation on which the native kinship systems in the Texas borderlands operated. She contends that these Spanish-Indian relationships were not based on hierarchies of race and class, but instead relied on gender. According to Barr, gender was the basis of power of the Caddos, Apaches, Karankawas, Wichitas, and Comanches. This allowed these native groups to negotiate with Europeans through gendered standards and practices in political economies of gift giving and hospitality, alliances instituted in joint family settlements, honors and dishonors inherent in violence and war, exchanges of women through intermarriage, captivity and hostage taking, and political relationships conceived through fictive and real kins hip. (289)Barrs main argument is that the potential for success or failure of Europeans to forge associations with the various native groups depended on the Europeans capability to understand and accommodate gendered kinship practices. She also maintains that the various Indian groups had no concept of state therefore, their political organizations were based on age and gender. She contends that in cross-cultural encounters, gender was per rollative, meaning not what people are, but what people do through distinctive postures, gestures, clothing, ornamentation, and occupations. (11) Thus, gender serves as a form of nonverbal communication in situations where there is no common language.To substantiate her arguments, Barr has recreated the social structures of the different Indian groups and uses them to analyze the accounts of the encounters. Because there were no original native sources, Barr relied heavily on Spanish sources. As a result she has had to make some conjectures to und erstand Indian perspectives on power and peace. Barr uses a variety of primary coil and secondary sources. She has included maps and illustrations to help the reader understand the ever-changing alliances and interactions. Barr invites her readers to stand metaphorically in Indian country and to contemplate Spanish colonialism in eighteenth century Texas from the perspective of the Texas Indians. (295) Her book is a study of interethnic relations which encourages historians to explore the perspective of gendered practices of peace.Juliana Barr has been an associate professor at the Duke University since 2015. Dr. Barr previously was associated with Rutgers University and the University of Florida-Gainesville. She specializes in early American history, the Spanish borderlands, American Indians, and women and gender.

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What are the benefits and advantages of internships? Internships divine service you gain exposure to real issues not found in textbooks, it also answers to increase your skills that are readily marketable from doing an internship. Interning can provide you with personal growth experiences and exposure to different job opportunities. Internships experience you the opportunity to evaluate potential employers nearly risk free, which is a plus. I did an internship for a year at my church. The first thing I had to do was lift the facility I was going to do the internship with. The next thing was to engage a suitable mentor for the work I was going to do as an intern. After talking to two perspective mentors one was chosen. Your mentor has to be dedicated to your success, and your spiritual growth. He or she must not be terror-stricken of telling you the truth, and make sure you can follow instructions. An internship helps you to clarify your goals, gain experience by applying your knowledge and skills in work related situations. Experiences you give keep an eye onYou will learn what you can do and the areas you need to work on in your studies. An Internship will help you gain the confidence you need to perfect your abilities. You will also gain valuable work experience. It also will give you some insight on how to solve problems with in your work area. Your internship will help you network by establishing a contact base, and references which can give you future letters of support. Internships provide hands-on learning opportunities, and also can lead to employment. wholly internships do not guarantee employment, but the experience is worth it. Whether you are compensated or not, the internship can provide you some academic credit to help you farther your education. Emp... ... that are for academic credit which foster a particular discipline of mind. There are Internships that are primarily clerical or mechanical do not qualify for academic credit, but t hey increase marketability to employers. On average, only 30% of graduating seniors have job offers before graduation however, after end an internship, that figure rises to 58%. I had never done an internship before so it was a learning experience for me. Would I do this over again probably, would I recommend an internship to someone? Yes I would, it is very rewarding growth in integrity, character, and spirituality if you let the Lord refine you, and you are able to take structural criticism, which helps you refine your weaknesses. I think this is a great course and would recommend it to another student, thanks for the opportunity to learn and grow from this experience.

The Impact of Social Class Divisions on the Women of Victorian England :: essays research papers fc

The Impact of Social Class Divisions on the Women of straight-laced England twain hundred years ago, during the reign of Queen Victoria in England, the social barriers of the Victorian class system firmly defined the roles of women. The families of Victorian England were divided into four distinct classes the Nobility or Gentry Class, the Middle Class, the Upper Working Class, and lastly, the Lower Working class . The women of these classes each had their own traditional responsibilities. The specifics of each cleaning womans role were varied by the status of her family. Women were expected to adhere to the appropriate conventions according to their place in the social order . For women in Victorian England their lives were regulated by these rules and regulations, which stressed obedience, loyalty, and respect. The highest social class in Victorian England was the Nobility or Gentry class. The members of this class were those who inherited their land, titles, and wealth . Popular flavor at the time asserted that the noble class women led lives of lavish luxury and wedded bliss. "Ladies were ladies in those days they did not do things themselves, they told others what to do and how to do it." It is apparent as to how this notion that the women of the noble class led lives of fortune. Social parties and balls were common festivities, which these women regularly attended. For many, dancing was a favorite pastime. To an outsider, it seemed that a lady of the nobility class had nothing short of an enviable existence. The lavish way of life these women exhibited was outwardly apparent in the fashions of the time . Noble class women were adorned in ornate dresses, extravagant jewels, and the finest accessories. The best way to describe the look of upper class women in Victorian England is to say that she looked like a porcelain doll . However, the lives of these women were not as easy as it may have seemed. In retrospect, their roles, although seemingly w onderful, were actually oppressive. They were taught to be obedient and loyal to their husbands . Their opinions were devalued, and they were thought of as nothing more(prenominal) than an accessory to their husbands. Furthermore, there was little security in terms of financial stability . Land, titles, and money were inherited by the closest male relative typically the older son, but if there was no older son then the estate would go to a more distant relation.